| Garbagna | |
| 2 | The Subject 2.1. Subject clitics: data presentation Example No. 1 2.3. Subject clitics: paradigmsi fiˈøji i ˈdroma i bambini ClS-3p dormono Example No. 2 2.5. Position of subject cliticsa ˈdromʊ
ɛt ˈdromi
u/a ˈdroma
a druˈmimʊ
a druˈmi
i ˈdromʊ
u ˈpjøva l ɛ pjuˈvyu Example No. 3 2.5.1. Additional evidence regarding the position of subject cliticsa n ˈdromu ˈmiɒ ClS non dormo Neg
ɛn tɛ ˈdromi ˈmiɒ non ClS dormi mica, etc.
u n ˈdroma ˈmiɒ
a n druˈmimʊ ˈmiɒ
a n druˈmi ˈmiɒ
i n dromɒ ˈmiɒ Example No. 4 2.6. Expletive clitic: morphologya ˈmɔɲdʒ e a ˈbɛivu ClS mangio e ClS bevo, etc.
et ˈmɔɲdʒi e t ˈbɛivi
u/a ˈmɔɲdʒɒ e u/a ˈbɛivɒ
a mɔɲˈdʒumɒ e a bɛˈvumɒ
a mɔɲˈdʒɛi e a bɛˈvɛi
i ˈmɔɲdʒɒ e i ˈbɛivɒ
u ˈpjøva e u ˈfjoka ClS piove e ClS nevica Example No. 5 2.8. Verb inflectiona. u ˈdroma i fiˈøjiClS dorme dei bambini
u ˈdroma ClS dorme
b. u ˈpjøvaClS piove Example No. 6 2.8.2. Common lexicalizations of multiple forms in the paradigma mɔɲˈdʒes-ve ClS mangereste Example No. 7 a. a ˈdromʊClS dormo, etc.
ɛt ˈdromi
u/a ˈdroma
a druˈmimʊ
a druˈmi
i ˈdromʊ |
| 3 | The Structure of the Complementizer: Interrogative, Relative Clauses, and Aspects of Subordination 3.1. Inversion of the subject clitic in interrogatives: presentation of data Example No. 8 3.2. Partial interrogatives introduced by the wh- conjunctiona ˈdromʊ a ˈdromʊ? ClS dormo?
ɛt ˈdromi a ˈdrom-te?
u/a ˈdroma u ˈdrom-lʊ?/a ˈdrom-la?
a druˈmimʊ a druˈmimʊ
a druˈmi a druˈmi-vɪ?
i ˈdromʊ i ˈdrom-ne?
u ˈpjøva u ˈpjøv-lu? ClS piove-ClS? 3.2.1. Partial interrogatives introduced by the wh- conjunction Example No. 9 3.6. Verb inflection and clitic in interrogative inversion contextskos k u ˈmɔɲdʒa? cosa che ClS mangia?
kwan k u ˈdroma? quando che ClS dorme?
kse k a ˈspeta? cosa che ClS aspetta? Example No. 10 3.6.1. Other interactions between subject clitic and verb inflectiona. ɛt ˈdromi a ˈdrom-te?Example No. 11 3.6.2. Conditions for the lexicalization of the third persona. a druˈmi a druˈmi-vi?Example No. 12 3.9. The subject interrogativesb. u/a ˈdroma u ˈdrom-lʊ?/a ˈdrom-la?i ˈdromʊi ˈdrom-ne? Example No. 13 a. ki k u ˈdroma?chi che ClS dorme?
ki k u ˈvena? che che ClS viene?
b. ke fiˈøra k a ˈvena?che ragazza che ClS-f viene?
ˈkwɒnti fiˈøi k u ˈdroma? quanti ragazzi che ClS dorme? |
| 6 | Negation and Adverbs 6.1. Three types of sentential negation Example No. 14 a n ɛl ˈtʃamu ˈmiɒ ClS non lo chiamo mica
u n t a miɒ tʃaˈmo ClS non ti a mica chiamato Example No. 15 6.4. Position of sentential negation adverb with respect to the infinitivea n l ø ˈmiɒ/ˈpi/ˈmɒi tʃaˈmʊ ClS non lo ho mica/ più/ mai chiamato
a n ø tʃaˈmʊ iŋˈsøŋ ClS non ho chiamato nessuno Example No. 16 6.6. Clitic negationa t ˈdigʊ da miɒ/pø tʃaˈmɔ-lʊ ClS ti dico di mica/ più chiamar-lo
da tʃaˈmɔ-lʊ ˈmiɒ/ˈpø→di chiamar-lo mica/ più
da tʃaˈmɔ iŋˈɕøŋ→di chiamare nessuno Example No. 17 6.7. Interactions between clitic negation and lexicalization of the verb in Ca n ˈdromu ˈmiɒ ClS non dormo mica, etc.
ɛn tɛ ˈdromi ˈmiɒ non ClS dormi mica
u n ˈdroma ˈmiɒ ClS non dorme mica, etc.
a n druˈmimʊ ˈmiɒ
a n druˈmi ˈmiɒ
i n dromɒ ˈmiɒ Example No. 18 a. ɛn tɛ ˈdromi ˈmiɒ?non ClS dormi mica?
u n ˈdroma ˈmiɒ? ClS non dorme mica?
en tɛ l ˈtʃami ˈmiɒ? non ClS lo chiami mica?
u n ɛl ˈtʃama ˈmiɒ? ClS non lo chiama mica?
b. a n ˈdrom-ti ˈmiɒ?ClS non dormi-ClS mica?
u n ˈdrom-lu ˈmiɒ? ClS non dorme-ClS mica?
a nɛ l ˈtʃam-ti ˈmiɒ? ClS non lo chiami-ClS mica?
n ɛl ˈtʃam-lu ˈmiɒ? non lo chiama-ClS mica? |
| 7 | Aspectual and Modal Structures 7.2. Imperative and negative imperative Example No. 19 a.-ii. ˈtʃam-luˈchiama-lo
iv. tʃaˈmum-luchiamiamo-lo
v. tʃaˈmɛi-luchiamate-lo
a'. ii. ˈtʃam-lu ˈmiɒ ˈchiama-lo mica
iv. tʃaˈmum-lu ˈmiɒchiamiamo-lo mica
v. tʃaˈmɛi-lu ˈmiɒchiamate-lo mica |