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Region: Number of examples: 27
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| 2 | The Subject
2.1. Subject clitics: data presentation
Example No. 1i fˈfanti i dˈd ɔrmənə də ˈla i bambini ClS-3pm dormono di là
2.2. Position of the lexical subject
2.2.3. Position of the lexical subject
Example No. 2ˈnimmi i mˈmaɲɲa nessuno (nessuni) ClS mangia
non mangia nessuno
2.3. Subject clitics: paradigms
Example No. 3i ˈðɔrmo i o ðurˈmito
tu ˈðɔrmi tu a ðurˈmito
i dˈdɔrma/lə ˈðɔrma ɟ/ l a durˈmito
i ðorˈmjan i aɟˈɟan durˈmito
i ðurˈmito i atə ðurˈmito
i dˈdɔrməno/lə ˈðɔrməno ɟ/ l an durˈmito
i pˈpjoa ɟ a ppjuˈuto
2.5. Additional evidence regarding the position of subject clitics
2.5.1. Additional evidence regarding the position of subject clitics
Example No. 4i ˈðɔrmo
(e) tu ˈðɔrmi
i dˈdɔrma/ (e) lə ˈðɔrma
(e) i ðorˈmjan
(e) i ðurˈmito
i dˈdɔrməno/ (e) lə ˈðɔrməno
Example No. 5i ˈmaɲɲə e i ˈbɛiwo ClS mangio e ClS bevo, etc.
tu ˈmaɲɲi e ttu ˈbɛiwi
i mˈmaɲɲa e i bˈbɛiwa
i maɲˈɲaŋ e i bəˈwjan
i maɲˈɲatə e i bəˈwɛito
i mˈmaɲɲənə e i bˈbɛiuno
i pˈpjoa e i nˈnewa ClS piove e ClS nevica
2.9. Agreement theory
Example No. 6i vˈvɛɲɲənə di/i fˈfanti ClS-3pp vengono dei/i bambini
2.9.5. Definiteness effects
Example No. 7a. ˈdɔuppo i vˈvɛɲɲənə di/i fˈfanti dopo ClS3m vengono dei/i bambini
də ˈla i dˈdɔrmən i fˈfanti di là ClS3m dormono i bambini
i bambini ClS3m dormono
c. ɟ ɛ vvəˈnutə di fˈfanti ClS3m è venuto dei bambini
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| 3 | The Structure of the Complementizer: Interrogative, Relative Clauses, and Aspects of Subordination
3.1. Inversion of the subject clitic in interrogatives: presentation of data
Example No. 8i ˈðɔrmo i dɔrˈm-i? ClS dormo-ClS?
tu ˈðɔrmi (i) ˌdɔrmi-ˈtu?
i dˈdɔrma/lə ˈðɔrma i ddurˈmi-iɟɟo/ lə ðorˈm-ɛiɖo/iɟo?
i ðorˈmjan i ˌdɔrmə-nɔu?
i ðurˈmito (i) ˌdurmiˈt-ɔu?
i dˈdɔrməno/lə ˈðɔrməno i ddɔrməˈn-iɟɟo/ lə ðorməˈn-ɛiɖo/iɟo?
i pˈpjoa i ppjo-ˈiɟɟo? ClS piove-ClS?
3.2. Partial interrogatives introduced by the wh- conjunction
3.2.1. Partial interrogatives introduced by the wh- conjunction
Example No. 9ki fa-ˈiɟɟo? cosa fa-ClS?
d i dɔrmi-ˈtu? dove dormi-ClS?
3.3. Data on complementizers and their distribution
Example No. 10a. m annə ˈðitto ke ttu ˈeŋ doˈmaŋ mi hanno datto che ClS vieni domani
ki ttə ˈkreði-ˈtu ke i vˈvɛɲɲa? chi ti credi-ClS che ClS venga?
b. ɟ ɛŋ ˈkwiɟɟi ke mmə ˈcaməno ClS sono quelli che mi chiamano
chi viene?
ki ˈðɔrma? chi dorme?
ˈdi-mmə ki ˈweŋ dimmi chi viene
no sˈso ki ccaˈma non so chi chiamare
che hai-ClS fatto?
ki ˈwɛiði-ˈtu? che vedi-ClS?
kwal ke tu ˈfa? quale che (=che) ClS fai?
no sˈso kwal ke ˈdi-tto non so quale che dir-ti
ˈdi-mmo kwal ke tu ˈfa di-mmi quale che ClS fai
3.6. Verb inflection and clitic in interrogative inversion contexts
Example No. 11(e) tu ˈðɔrmi i ˈðormi-tu?
3.6.1. Other interactions between subject clitic and verb inflection
Example No. 12a. i durˈmito (i) ,durmiˈt-ɔu?
Example No. 13b. (e) i ðorˈmjan i ,dɔrmə-ˈnɔu?
3.6.2. Conditions for the lexicalization of the third person
Example No. 14i ˈfewa feˈw-iɟɟo? faceva-ClSm?
i fˈfewno feˈw-iɟɟə-no? faceva-ClSm-no?
ˈl eʃʃəno l əʃˈʃ-iɟɟə-no? ClS esco-ClSm-no?
3.9. The subject interrogatives
Example No. 15chi dorme?
ki ˈweŋ? chi viene?
b. ˈkwanti bimˈbini i vˈvɛɲɲəno? quanti bambini ClS vengono?
3.9.1. Analysis of subject interrogatives
Example No. 16ki ttə ˌkreði-ˈtu ke i vˈvɛɲɲa? chi ti credi-ClS che ClS venga?
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| 4 | The Object
4.3. Systems of reflexive inflection
Example No. 17mə laˈwo
tu tə ˈlawi
sə ˈlawa
sə laˈwjaŋ
və laˈwato
sə ˈlawəno
4.6. Complementary distribution with the negative clitic (and generalized complementary distribution between object clitic and subject clitic)
4.6.5. Complementary distribution with the negative clitic (and generalized complementary distribution between object clitic and subject clitic)
Example No. 18ClS dormo, etc.
(e) tu ˈðɔrmi
i dˈdɔrma/ (e) lə ˈðɔrma
(e) i ðorˈmjan
(e) i ðurˈmito
i dˈdɔrməno/ (e) lə ˈðɔrməno
ɟ/ l a ddurˈmito ClS-m/f ha dormito
ɟ/ l aŋ durˈmito ClS-m/f hanno dormito
lo vedo
ClS lo vedi
tu ˈm wɛiði ClS mi vedi
lo vedo
ˈm wɛiða mi vedi
mə/əl/la ˈcama mi/lo/la chiama
lo vediamo
lo vedete
lo vedono
mə/ əl/ la ˈcaməno mi/lo/la chiamano
ClS non dormo
(e) no ttu ˈðɔrmi ClS non ClS dormi
(e) no dˈdɔrma ClS non dorme, etc.
(e) no ddorˈmjan
(e) no ddurˈmito
(e) no dˈdɔrməno
no a ddurˈmito non ha dormito
no aŋ durˈmito non hanno dormito
(lui/ lei) lo/la ha chiamato/a
4.8. Combinations of two P, Loc, or "si" clitics
4.8.1. Combinations of two P, Loc, or "si" clitics
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| 5 | The Auxiliary
5.10. The existential construction and locative inaccusative constructions
Example No. 20ˈtʃ ɛ i bbimˈbiŋ c'è i bambini
ˈtʃ ɛŋ i bbimˈbiŋ ci sono i bambini
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| 6 | Negation and Adverbs
6.1. Three types of sentential negation
Example No. 21no tu a ðurˈmito non ClS hai dormito
no l ˈvɛiða non lo vede
Example No. 22no tu a pju ðurˈmito non ClS hai più dormito
no a ˈiʃtə ˈnuɟɟa non ha visto nulla
no o caˈmatə ˈnimmi non ho chiamato nessuno
6.7. Interactions between clitic negation and lexicalization of the verb in C
Example No. 23non ClS dormi?
no ddurˈmito? non dormite?
no dˈdɔrma? non dorme?
no-l ˈfa? non lo fa?
non dormi-ClS?
no-l fa-ˈiɟɟo? non lo fa-ClS?
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| 7 | Aspectual and Modal Structures
7.1. Position of the object clitic with the infinitive
Example No. 24a. t o ˈðitto ðə caˈma-llo ti ho detto di chiamar-lo
ðə no ccaˈma-llo di non chiamar-lo
ClS è meglio chiamar-lo
no ccaˈma-llo→non chiamar-lo
non so che dir-ti
d. i som vəˈnutə pər vəˈðɛi-tto ClS son venuto per veder-ti
i soŋ nˈdat ˈwia pər no vvəˈðɛi-tto ClS sono andato via per non veder-ti
(non) lo voglio vedere
7.2. Imperative and negative imperative
Example No. 25chiama-lo
chiamiamo-lo
chiamate-lo
non lo chiamare
non lo chiamiamo
non lo chiamate
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| 8 | The Noun Phrase
8.1. The possessive
8.1.1. The possessive
Example No. 26i mme ˈkaŋ i mme ˈkani il mio cane
8.3. Special treatment of kinship terms
Example No. 27i mme ˈβa il mio babbo
la mia ˈma la mia mamma
i mme/tto/sso fraˈtɛɖo i mme/tto/sso fraˈtɛɟɟi il mio/tuo/suo fratello
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