| Tetti | |
| 2 | The Subject 2.3. Subject clitics: paradigms Example No. 1 2.8. Common lexicalizations of multiple forms in the paradigmˈdørme ai dyrˈmi
ti ˈdørmes ti as dyrˈmi
dørm a dyrˈmi
dyrˈmɛŋ avɛŋ dyrˈmi
dyrˈmɛ avɛ dyrˈmi
ˈdørmi aŋ dyrˈmi
ˈpjɔu a pjuˈgy
l ɛ veŋˈgy ClS è venuto 2.8.2. Common lexicalizations of multiple forms in the paradigm Example No. 2 a. te ˈlavesti lavi
S.Giacomo
a. ˈlɛveslevi |
| 3 | The Structure of the Complementizer: Interrogative, Relative Clauses, and Aspects of Subordination 3.1. Inversion of the subject clitic in interrogatives: presentation of data Example No. 3 kɔ ˈfa:s? cosa fai?
unda ˈvai kiˈæl? dove va lui? |
| 4 | The Object 4.3. Systems of reflexive inflection Example No. 4 4.6. Complementary distribution between subject clitic P and reflexive object cliticme ˈlavu
te ˈlaves
se ˈlava
se laˈvɛŋ
se laˈvæ
se laˈviŋ 4.6.6. Complementary distribution between subject clitic P and reflexive object clitic Example No. 5 a. ti ˈdørmesClS dormi
b. me ˈlavumi lavo, etc.
te ˈlaves
se ˈlava
se laˈvɛŋ
se laˈvæ
se laˈviŋ |
| 5 | The Auxiliary 5.10. The existential construction and locative inaccusative constructions Example No. 6 5.10.2. Selection of 'avere' with postverbal subjectˈj a de fiˈɛt ci ha dei bambini
ˈj a i tɛu ˈfi ci ha i tuoi figli
ˈj era i tɛu ˈfi/ eŋ fiˈɛt ci era i tuoi figli/ un bambino Example No. 7 a. j a veŋˈgy i fiˈɛtci ha venuto i bambini
b. i fiˈɛt suŋ veŋˈgyi bambini sono venuti |
| 6 | Negation and Adverbs 6.1. Three types of sentential negation Example No. 8 6.3. Position of the adverb in relation to the participlelu ˈtʃamu ˈnɛŋ lo chiamo niente
l ai nɛŋ tʃaˈma lo ho niente chiamato 6.3.4. Position of the adverb in relation to the participle Example No. 9 l ai dʒɔ tʃaˈma lo ho già chiamato
l ai ˈɕempre tʃaˈma lo ho sempre chiamato |